Interactions between digital technology and social logics can produce a third condition that is a mix of both. When this mixed domain gets structured in electronic space we call it a digital formation (see Latham and Sassen, this volume). This chapter focuses on two such formations, the global market for capital, and global electronic activist networks. In both cases my organizing question concerns the operation of social logics and how they shape and are in turned shaped by these technologies. The focus is, then, on both the transformative capacities of these new computer-centered technologies as well as their limits, limits partly set by social logics.
We all agree to the fact that we want to fight capital and renew the world. But I think this ainâ€™t conceivable as a poetical process. Because the name Â»multitudeÂ« is not a poetical notion, but a class concept. When I talk about multitude as a class concept, I talk about the fact that workers today work in the same and in different ways compared to those they worked some centuries ago. The working class and its class composition are quite different in the distinct periods that followed each other since the beginning of the industrial age.
Why can the paradigm of representation not function in politics, nor in artistic modes of expression, and here especially in the production of works that employ moving images?
Precarias a la deriva (Precarious women workers adrift) is a collective project of investigation and action.Â The concerns of the participants in this open project converged the 20th of June 2002, the day of the general strike called by the major unions in Spain. Some of us had already initiated a trajectory of reflection and intervention in questions of the transformations of labor (in groups such as â€˜ZeroWorkâ€™ and Sex, Lies and Precariousness, or individually), others wished to begin to think through these themes.Â
Â Â Â Â Â Â Focus on the production of affects in our labor and our social practices has often served as a useful ground for anticapitalist projects, in the context of discourses for instance on desire or on use-value.Â Affective labor is itself and directly the constitution of communities and collective subjectivities.Â The productive circuit of affect and value has thus seemed in many respects as an autonomous circuit for the constitutions of subjectivity, alternative to the processes of capitalist valorization.Â Theoretical frameworks that have brought together Marx and Freud have conceived of affective labor using terms such as desiring production and more significantly numerous feminist investigations analyzing the potentials within what has been designated traditionally as women's work have grasped affective labor with terms such as kin work and caring labor.Â Each of these analyses reveal the processes whereby our laboring practices produce collective subjectivities, produce sociality, and ultimately produce society itself.
From February 27.-29, 2004 the second version of the makeworlds festival will take place in Muffathalle, Munich (DE). A new generation of media and network initiatives from all over Europe and different parts of the world present and work on their projects in a broad interactive framework that explores the different conceptual and practical idioms used to articulate and create new social, political and artistic practices. Originating within the networking culture of open communications and free exchange the event aims to connect contemporary debates on mobility, migration and social movements with new media instruments, information and communication technologies. NEURO will be a major opportunity for forming creative alliances - within a coherent discursive field - between all those that share the aspiration to raise theory and activity to a level adequate to the practice of digital generations.
Penser le devenir-femme de la politique, est-ce nÃ©cessairement penser le devenir-politique des femmesÂ ? Ã€ partir de l'analyse des changements du paradigme du travail et de sa fÃ©minisation, il s'agit avant tout de comprendre si les oppositions de genre ou la construction d'identitÃ©s sexuelles permettent l'Ã©mergence de nouvelles modalitÃ©s d'agrÃ©gation politique ou si, au contraire, il s'agit encore une fois de dÃ©jouer des mÃ©canismes disciplinaires. La dÃ©construction des processus de fixation identitaire est sans doute le prix d'une vÃ©ritable politique des multitudes, et c'est prÃ©cisÃ©ment en cela que la parole des femmes est prÃ©cieusesÂ : peut-Ãªtre parce qu'elles nous racontent que la diffÃ©renciation Ã l'infini et le devenir-autre ont arrachÃ© la gÃ©nÃ©ration Ã sa rÃ©duction biologique et rendue possible une ontologie politique de la crÃ©ation.